E. Just The Facts, Jack
Discussions about Polynesian migration, with or without religious references, will be inevitably mired in controversies. Did Polynesians traveled to the islands in the middle Pacific from the East or West? Did they arrived there by accidental or planned migration? Did they drifted haphazardly or used masterful navigation? The various views exist to try to answer those questions are narrowed down to a few theories. While the proponents of those theories strongly promote their view as the truth, I feel that the real truth of how the Polynesians came into the middle Pacific could be a mix of those different views. We have to give the Polynesians credit for their seafaring abilities; they were able to traverse the Pacific Ocean in all directions. With that ability, the Polynesians were able to interact with people in the extreme ends of the Pacific very successfully. A westward movement of people along the equatorial region from the Americas would be natural considering the ocean environment and the importance of mysticism and religion to ancient people. Those things I think were influenced by the movement of the stars and the planets.
Any Polynesian migration theory must involve traditions as well as scientific facts. I do not think that we flat out ignore things because they seem fantastic. We must explore all areas and scrutinize all information. A theory involving primitive sailors, using simple wooden rafts and little knowledge of navigation, traveling from South America to the eastern pacific islands can be made without any need for elaborate presuppositions. Thor Heyerdahl demonstrated that people can travel from South America to eastern Polynesia with his floating Kon-Tiki. However, they found pieces of evidence proving that Polynesians were capable for doing much more than floating. Polynesians were capable of traversing great distances in all directions between the great landmasses encircling the Pacific Ocean. This fact makes me think that the Polynesian story is not be confined to neatly fitted course of events, but instead involve other factors that at first seem unrelated.
1. Physical evidence
The artifacts experts are finding provide insights into the pre-European societies of Oceania and nearby Southeast Asia.
For example, Jose Miguel Ramirez's article mentioned the axe (1) in the following quote. While there is some agreement amongst the experts of pre-Columbian America-Polynesia contacts, the common concensus is that the Polynesians were the ones who migrated into the Americas.
"Many mata'a have appeared in Mapuche collections, sometimes associated with other Easter Island artifacts (stone polished adzes 'toki' and stone pillows 'ngarua') of suspicious origin, and there are at least three of them found in archaeological sites but they all lack firm provenience. The next reference is the Mapuche word for the old stone polished axes, 'toki,' a word that was widely spread from Southeast Asia as far as the Mapuche area in South America (Imbelloni, 1928). 'Toki' in Chile were functional axes (mainly adzes in Polynesia), the title for the warrior chiefs and their symbols of rank (tokicura, an adze-like stone pendant). There is even a reference for a Maori chant when cutting trees with toki which, as it has been said, was textually preserved in a Mapuche tale (ibid, 1931)."
This quote shows two words that are very similar to the Samoan words - "to'i" (axe) and "aluga" (pillow; pronounced "alunga").
The existence of pottery pieces in the islands of central Polynesia resembling those found in Melanesia and beyond provides a strong argument for an eastward migration from Southeast Asia. We derive much of our knowledge of pre-European Polynesia from the archeological findings of Lapita researchers. These Lapita findings have overwhelming support in the scientific community. There are, however, many who are challenging some of these Lapita interpretations. There are also studies, including the study of the Pacific rat, that challenge the Lapita Theory's main hypothesis. Some of those Lapita conclusions unfortunately produce more questions and contradictions. Why for instance do we not find in the Samoan culture evidence of pottery making? If pottery making was important to the Samoans, its influence should be evidenced in their traditions. The Samoan language and traditions reference farming, "umu" (traditional cooking), fishing, boat building, bird hunting, "tapa" making, and tattooing.
According to news reports (January 2008), archaeologist David Burley and his team confirmed that they have discovered, in Polynesia proper, the oldest Lapita pottery in the islands of Tonga. According to David, the small fishing village of Nukuleka was established 2900 years ago in Tonga has been confirmed as the first settlement in Polynesia. If this is true, this confirms that Tonga was peopled earlier than Samoa by the Lapita people. Saying that this new finding provides the only explanation of how Polynesia was peopled is an assumption in my opinion. The fact that Tonga was peopled first makes the argument that a non-Lapita people moved into Polynesia even more viable. The Lapita people are not necessarily Polynesians.
The scarcity of physical evidence pointing to the Americas as a place of Polynesian origin could change with a new emphasis from the scientific community. For instance, an archeological find in Samoa of a mount that resembles the dirt-mounts in the Americas. We can try and connect that also to Asia, but would not it be just as possible that that construction shared a common origin with the American mounts?
Recent DNA studies of the Pacific rat (Rattus exulans) and chicken bones recently discovered in South America have added more weight to the diffusionist view. Those and the stone polished axes ('toki') found in the Mapuche area in South America are providing solid proof that Polynesians did ventured into the Americas. People going from the Americas into the Polynesian triangle would be just as provable using other evidences.
2. Biological evidence
"Analyses of Polynesian mitochondrial DNA variation, passed on only through the mother, have revealed three maternal lineages. Two are of South-East Asian origin and the third links back to the New Guinea-Island Melanesian region (Lum et al. 1994). This new research supports the earlier studies summarized above by Serjeantson and Hill. Not all bearers of the Lapita culture moved to Polynesia. The genes of the 'stay at homes' can be found in coastal and island Melanesian groups who are genetically the descendants both of the pre-Lapita populations in the area and of the intrusive South-East Asian populations who also gave rise to the Polynesians." (Spriggs, p.99)
As convincing as the previous quote sounded, the final verdict on Polynesian migration using DNA is yet to be written. Ongoing genetic research, I believe, will yield more substantive evidence to provide answers to the question of Polynesian origin. So far, genetic studies do show that there is a discernible differences between Polynesians (Samoans, Tongans, Tahitians, Maoris [New Zealand], and Hawaiians) and Melanesians. The argument for a Melanesian origin of Polynesians, using DNA, has its share of criticism. I am ignorant about the subject of DNA, so I was delighted to come across the following information, and also some notes from Peter Marsh, author of Polynesia Pathways.
Polynesian origins - Insights from the Y chromosome.
http://hpgl.stanford.edu/publications/PNAS_2000_v97_p8225.pdf
Bing Su, Li Jin, Peter Underhill, Jeremy Martinson, Nilmani Saha, Stephen T. McGarvey, Mark D. Shriver, Jiayou Chu, Peter Oefner, Ranajit Chakraborty, and Ranjan Deka.
"The question surrounding the colonization of Polynesia has remained controversial. Two hypotheses, one postulating Taiwan as the putative homeland and the other asserting a Melanesian origin of the Polynesian people, have received considerable attention. In this work, we present haplotype data based on the distribution of 19 biallelic polymorphisms on the Y chromosome in a sample of 551 male individuals from 36 populations living in Southeast Asia, Taiwan, Micronesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia. Suprisingly, nearly none of the Taiwanese Y haplotypes were found in Micronesia and Polynesia. Likewise, a Melanesian-specific haplotype was not found among the Polynesians. However, all of the Polynesian, Micronesian, and Taiwanese haplotypes are present in the extant Southeast Asian populations. Evidently, the Y-chromosome data do not lend support to either of the prevailing hypotheses. Rather, we postulate that Southeast Asia provided a genetic source for two indipendent migrations, one toward Taiwan and the other toward Polynesia through island Southeast Asia."
"Melanesian origin of Polynesian Y chromosomes(??) Manfred Kayser, Silke Brauer, Gunter Weiss, Peter A. Underhill, Lutz Roewer, Wulf Schiefenhovel and Mark Stoneking.
A median-joining network connecting all 39 haplotypes revealed that all Polynesian haplotypes form a tight cluster and can be connected to each other mostly by single-step mutations, with the exception of one of the West Samoan haplotypes.
In contrast, Melanesian and Indonesian haplotypes appeared in different parts of the network and were separated by a large number of mutations. The time back to the most recent common ancestor (mrca) of all 75 individuals carrying the DYS390.3 deletion on the RPS4Y711T chromosome background was estimated to be 11,500 years. A signal of slight population growth dating back to the start of a population expansion about 5,000 years ago was detected.
When the analysis was restricted to Polynesians, a much stronger signal of population growth was detected, indicating a population expansion starting about 2,200 years ago.
Haplotype diversity and the mean number of pairwise differences were higher in Melanesia than in Polynesia or Indonesia and a coalescence-based approach indicated that the deletion arose about 11,500 years ago. These results therefore indicate that the major Y-chromosome haplotype in Polynesians originated in Melanesia 11,500 years ago.
A third hypothesis is that the DYS390.3del/RPS4Y711T haplotype arose in Polynesia, and therefore the presence of this haplotype in Melanesia represents a substantial back-migration from Polynesia. The high frequency of this haplotype in Polynesia, and the central position of Polynesian types in the Y-STR haplotype network, provide some support for this explanation.
Su et al found no evidence for a Melanesian origin of Polynesian Y chromosomes, because their major Melanesian Y-chromosomal haplotype (H17, characterised by mutations at M4, M5 and M9 [37]) was not found in Polynesia. We also found this haplotype in high frequency in Melanesia and concur that it is absent from Polynesia; Furthermore, the detected moderate population growth and the estimated start of population expansion at about 6,000 years ago is in perfect agreement with archaeological data, which suggest that the Austronesian expansion started about 6,000 years ago from Asia/Taiwan. Also, a particular allele, HLA DRB1-0901, that was observed at high frequency (26-45%) in Polynesians [41,42] and at moderate frequency (10-15%) in mainland Asia and is rare in Melanesian populations except in the Trobriands at a frequency of 18% - (which is a Polynesian outlier)." (2)
According to the experts, pre-Polynesians came from three possible groups: Melanesians, Southeast Asians, and Asians. Biological studies of the Pacific area including Asia (Taiwan), Southeast Asia (Indonesia), and the Pacific islands (Melanesia, Micronesia, Polynesia) involve Y-Chromosome and mtDNA mapping. I think that as much as some folks may try to relate the Y-Chromosome and mtDNA results, the two results in my view do not mesh. The Melanesian origin suggests that the Polynesian entity was locally form with little outside influence. The Asian origin view points to a group migrated from Asia into the Pacific by way of Taiwan. The Southeast Asian origin is the one best supported by DNA evidence and linguistic comparison. However, there's a question of how this migration was done from Southeast Asia into Polynesia. Melanesia sits between Southeast Asia and Polynesia. The easiest route for a people to migrate east would be through the larger islands of Melanesia, the part that do not share DNA with Polynesians. The Lapita experts explained the lack of pre-Polynesian DNA presence in Melanesia with the "fast train" hypothesis. They assumed that "the pre-Polynesians moved rapidly through this part" and also preferred taking the more arduous northern route through Micronesia and along the coastal areas. It could very well be that Micronesia was another collision of cultures that deserves an extended coverage, and not a stepping-stone for the migrating Polynesians. Can the DNA map of the Pacific people be used to show a western migration from Polynesia into coastal Asia?
The following excerpt is from a website and it talks about DNA as it relates to Native Americans. It covers the three areas of the world that I am focusing on.
Excerpt:
http://www.world-mysteries.com/sci_1.htm
DNA analysis on Native Americans
"Modern Genetic Research Confirming Cayce's Story. This section adapted from Mound Builders: Edgar Cayce's Forgotten Record of Ancient America by Gregory L. Little (August 2001).
Confirming the Siberian Migration
The first research on living Native American tribes showed they were comprised of four distinct mtDNA haplogroups called A, B, C, and D. This means that the Native Americans are derived from four different lineages. These haplogroups were also found in native populations in Central and South America. Utter mtDNA research utilizing ancient remains recovered in the Americas validated these four haplogroups. Three of these haplogroups - A, C, and D are found primarily' in Siberian Asia. The B haplogroup, however, is found only in aboriginal groups in Southeast Asia, China, Japan, Melanesia, and Polynesia.
Confirming a South Pacific and Japanese Migration
Based on the mutations found in the mtDNA. most researchers think that groups A, C, and D entered America from Siberia across Beringia some time around 35,000 BC. Group B, they assert, probably came to America from the South Pacific or Japan via boats. It is believed the B groups began this migration not long after the A, C, and D groups arrived. However, the majority of the B group arrived about 11,000 BC. This leaves open the possibility of several migrations by the B group from different locations.
It should be noted that a few geneticists have proposed that each of these tour haplogroups came in four separate migrations. And many Clovis supporters argue that all the groups migrated together.
An Unknown and Unexpected Migration Group Confirmed
In 1997, a fifth mtDNA haplogroup was identified in Native Americans, This group, called "X," is present in three percent of living Native Americans. Haplogroup X was not then found in Asia, but was found only in Europe and the Middle East where two to four percent of the population carry it. In those areas, the X haplogroup has primarily been found in parts of Spain, Bulgaria. Finland, Italy, and Israel.
The Significance of mtDNA Research
The mtDNA research confirms most of the other new findings in archaeology. The Americas were settled early and many different racial groups came. Several different waves of migration probably occurred. The initial wave seems to have occurred around 35,000 BC. However, it may have been far earlier since some of the recent radiocarbon dates that have emerged from areas like California and the southwest point to 50,000 BC. But it must be kept in mind that mtDNA analysis is still in its infancy. Not all current Native American tribes and very few remains have been tested.
So again, according to the experts, there are three theories to explain the peopling of the central Pacific. They are the localized one, the Asian origin, and the Southeast Asian origin. Of these, the Southeast Asian origin sounds more plausible, as it supports more mtDNA studies so far done. In these studies, there's found mtDNA (3) that closely matched several groups from America, Southeast Asia and Japan, and not North Asia. The suggestion is that people from Southeast Asia either traveled across the Pacific to America or they traveled up along the coast of Asia and down along the American western coast line, and down to South America. If the later were true, these people would eventually take another leg journey to populate the central Pacific.
In some ways, the genetic studies of lizards (4) and rats confirm the "fast train" hypothesis of the colonization of Polynesia, and also confirm the fact that contacts between Polynesians and Melanesians farther west occurred. But, these findings can also be used to build a case for the colonization of Polynesia from the East.
3. Language - Similar Words
"Archaeologists, linguists, and geneticists have been struggling to understand the origins of the bold seafarers who settled the remote Pacific Islands. Now some scientists are converging on a model that involves mingling between Austronesian speakers, perhaps from Taiwan or nearby areas, and the indigenous people of Melanesian islands such as Papua New Guinea. The fusion of these cultures created a people that swept out into the remote Pacific islands, exploring 4500 kilometers in outrigger canoes and leaving a trail... " (Ann Gibbons, Peopling of the Pacific)
"Others see no evidence either for such connections or for any points of mainland origin. Whichever the case, all present signs are that the Austronesian dispersal was from some area in the Pacific itself, and no specific Asiatic homeland for speech or people pointed to by what is known." (William Howells, p. 104)
The languages and cultures of Melanesia (5) and Southeast Asia had influenced the Polynesians greatly through trade and normal human traffic. I'm willing to bet that they traded more than just pigs. The Samoan language has many common words with languages of places west of Samoa. But, the Samoan language also has words that are uniquely local to Samoa.
To explain my point in the modern sense, the Samoan language is a unique language that is affected in a big way by the English language. Our modern Samoan language is filled with words derived from English words to express and explain new experiences and objects; words and names like eletise, Ioane, televise, sima, kamapiuta, atomika, telefoni, paresitene, paremia, novema, setema, govana, etc. The Samoan language is in danger of being overwhelmed with these English derivatives.
Linguists call the process that leads to language death, "language shift," Some linguists believe that language shift just happens as a potential natural consequence of people coming together. To some extent this is true, especially when on of the contact languages assumes a dominating role in the contact, and if there is no concious effort to reverse the language shifting or moving toward the dominating language. Unfortunately, eventually lead to the loss of the Samoan language. (Dr. William G. Eggington, Professor, Brigham Young University, "Reversing Samoan Language Shift", International Samoan Language Commission Conference held in Carson, California on December 11, 2003)
Considering the Periodic Table, except for "auro" (gold), the Samoan names (6) for the atomic elements are derived from English names. We understand why these words are similar, but we would differ on a connection between the Samoan "auro" and the Quechuan (South America) word for gold - "yuari." The Latin word for gold can not explain the close similarity between the words for gold in Samoan and Quenchen, unless Latin is the source for these words. These changes in language that Dr. Eggington alluded to in his talk occurred throughout history, which make it a challenge to correlate a one-to-one relationship between language and race. This lack of information do not allow us to know for sure how certain words shifted unless we know an external factor such as colonization as in the case of European influence in Polynesia. The English language, as an example, contains many Latin words that were introduced by the conquering Romans. Since the written history of Europe is well known, we have a better understanding of the culture dynamics that affected Britain. Without a clear understanding of a history, as in the case of pre-European Polynesia, we don't have a sure way to know how words shifted within the Polynesian languages. Nevertheless, we might still be able to approximate how some words traveled using myths and legends.
"Language is not a Platonic idea abiding in a realm of archetypal truths. Rather it is a system we infer from the sounds that come out of the mouths of speakers and the marks that come from the hands of writers." (Webster's New World Dictionary, Third College Edition, Simon & Schuster, Inc., New York, 1988
Words are rooted in human experiences, of senses and emotions, not in planning committees. There is a strong indication that some Polynesian words are rooted in the folklores and sky charts of ancient pre-Columbian America. Similarly, many of our modern scientific words are rooted in ancient folklores and experiences of places like Greece and Rome. Likewise, I surmise that the Samoan word "ula" (in used for necklace, the color red, and lobster) is originated from the movement of the closest planets to the Sun (Jupiter, Saturn, Mars, Venus, Mercury) and is rooted in the planetary deities of American natives. The Samoan words "uli" (dog) and "uli'uli" (the color black) are also rooted in the native Americans celestial Fox and Llama - the dark formations in the Milky Way where the fox always chases the llama. That also, I believe, is the root to another Samoan word "lama", which means "entrapment."
We also find the word "malae" in Samoan ("marae" in other parts of Polynesia) and Southeast Asian languages. In Polynesia it is a sacred place, while in Southeast Asia (East Temori), it means foreigner. In the hills of South America, however, the word "maray" is an astrological concept that represents a "celestial earth." I would think therefore, that the most likely source of the word "malae" is pre-Columbian America. The word "manu" is found in some South American indigenous languages as well as in Polynesia and Southeast Asia. The usage of the word "manu" is similar in both these areas.
Even within Polynesia itself, the deterioration of a root language happened. I received the following comment from Mr. Bruce Sutton, the author of "Lehi, Father of Polynesia".
"Probably the biggest challenge in dealing with the genealogies was caused by the "white man" in the 1820's to the 1880's when we had Spanish, German, English, Dutch, French, etc in the islands, and they all wanted to create a written language. The problem was, that they had different accents and pronunciations for words, and so when the genealogies were written down, one island's ancestor who was the same ancestor of another island had different names. There were fluctuations in use of letters such as i's and o's, l's and r's, o's and u's, k's and t's. E.g. Fale, whale, and whare, all mean house. A great ancestor may have been Tiki, Ti'i, Ki'i, or Kiki. Understanding the old language was necessary. The "white man" in effect, took one language covering the whole of Polynesia and made many different dialects and languages from it. The other chanllenge is identifying the legends and traditions from different islands and then making sure they are in harmony with the genealogies. This was important in identifying travel paths and time frames of events."
Using various sources, including library books and online resources, I compiled a short list of words (Appendix B) from the Americas, Southeast Asia, and Polynesia, as well as Egypt. I've attempted to collect as many words that are similar in spelling and meaning to Samoan words for sight comparison. I was surprise by the number of words that fits this criteria. The traditional view that the Samoan language is part of a proto-Asiatic language mostly ignores any relationship of it to the Native American languages that I think exists. Besides their similarity in spellings, these words seem to share similar meanings as well. Some of these words are found in very familiar stories and expressions of common ideas.
Before I leave this topic, I want to address an issue that was brought to my attention from someone who questioned the comparison of languages in this modern setting. Firstly, we do not have time machines to return to previous ages to make these studies, and I am sure the experts also make word associations in their studies. There is a need for these comparisons, and, as in the case of the geographical areas I cover, I believe that we can to a degree place restrictions using some methods.
For example, in our case, we can use the European factor as a technique to categorize certain word associations as either coincidental, borrowed from modern contacts, or to be truly common from ancient contacts. The English language, for instance, commonly adopted native American words such as tobacco, cocoa, manioc, etc. When the Europeans reached the middle-Pacific, some of these things were then introduced with the 'now' English names. You will find these objects in Samoa as topa'a, koko, manioka, which are words borned from the modern European contacts. I have tried to exclude many of these kinds of similar-sounding words that I think were developed this way.
On the other hand, there are words like 'umala' (sweet potato), 'aulo' (gold) and 'tanoa' (canoe), which I think can't be explained from the European contacts. The word 'tanoa' is the least persuasive one of these three words. Considering the fact that the 'tanoa' is inherent in Samoan traditions and used differently from the object with that familiar name in the Americas, I feel strongly that these words have a common root. My opinion is that the shape of the two objects is what ties these two words. In Samoa, a 'tanoa' is a bowl used to prepare food and kava, and 'canoe' is a rudderless boat used by some native American people.
Here are some more examples of these common words. According to Sir Wallis Budge, author of "Egyptian Language", "sa" is an Egyptian word for son, and also sacred. The word "sa" in Samoan is used similarly - sacred or restricted, and as a prefix to denotes lineage. To refer to the Fiatoa family, in Samoa we would say the Safiatoa. Emphasis on "Sa" and last letter "a" of the name. What's the chance of this happening in cultures half a world apart without contact?
| Polynesian | Egyptian | |
| guardian | - | ari |
| lord | ali'i (Samoan), ari'i (Tahitian) | - |
| family leader | matai (Samoan) | - |
| the town-guard | - | matai |
4. We need more discussions
Why is the Polynesian name for sweet potato more similar to South America than Southeast Asia? The sweet potato is "kumar" in Peru, "umala" in Samoa, and "kumara" in other Polynesia communities. It is not so similar when compared to the indigenous languages of Southeast Asia. (7)
The point that some experts are attempting to convey of Polynesians moving across thousand of miles of water without any clue of where they were heading is a troubling thought.
"They may have been encouraged to set sail by an expanding population at home (another consequence of agriculture), but their unique solution was only possible because they had the choice of sailing into the unknown. And it was the pursuit of an ever-increasing spectrum of choices that would produce the final Big Bang of human evolutionary history." (p.180, The Journey of Man, Spencer Wells, 2002)
Were the Polynesians that adventurous? Even in our modern days, it took years of careful research before the first men was launched into outer space. I think that what Wells talked about here is entirely different from what Lapita researchers are saying - that Polynesians planned their trips. If Wells is correct, and that the Polynesian colonization of the Pacific was a random occurrence, how would they know to bypass the larger Melanesian islands standing between Southeast Asia and central Pacific? The studies on the Pacific rat (Rattus exulans) had presented some problems with the "fast train" idea that assumed Polynesians moved through much of Melanesia with little or no contacts. The results of studies with the Pacific rat show that the rat was brought into the central Pacific at successive periods, and they show that there were continual interactions between Polynesians and area further west. The question still remains of why is there a distinct difference between the Melanesian and Polynesian DNA when they interacted that much. If the Polynesians branched out from the Melanesian stock, why can't the DNA results be certain about that?
5. Polynesians and Southeast Asia
It is troubling to see broad assumptions about Polynesian origin made based on very selected samples. Take me, for an example. I am currently living in Ohio, mid-United States, and if visitors from another planet found me fishing (assuming I afford it) and took a sample of my blood; would that be enough to tell them about the people of Ohio? Based on my location and blood type, they would wrongly conclude that Ohioans are from the Middle Pacific. The history of Ohio is complex, and basing it on my blood and my fishing pole would be impossible.
By the use of some very obvious observations, it appears to me that some in the scientific community seem determined to concoct a Polynesian formula by fusing Asiatic and Melanesian traits. Using similarities in the languages and physical features, the push in the scientific field is to create a mosaic of a singular people that lived in an area from Madagascar, on Africa's eastern coast, to Easter Island in the east Pacific. Think about this folks - that is a distance spanning 3/4 of the globe, which is a large enough area to advance any theory. The problem with that assumption also is that it masked the intricate details of human behaviors to do things haphazardly.
It is apparent that the experts do not know how the Polynesians were dispersed from the west to the east. Did they go through the Melanesian territory without intermingling? Did they hop from island to island, starting from Madagascar, to Easter Island, genetically changing bit by bit? If that is the case, why was the end result uniquely Polynesian with nothing common genetically to their supposed Melanesian parents? Also, during the same time that Lapita pottery was popular, the Polynesians were using open ovens ("umu") as they do today. Why won't the Polynesians continue to use pottery in their cooking if that was part of their tradition? (8)
Their use of biological factors as a determinant element in the development of the pottery verges on racism. Although they say that the Lapita pottery was a localized development, their argument still requires an external catalyst. They explain that the catalyst were lighter skin people from Asia. Why should not a dark skin people given full credit for the development of the delicate pottery art? I think that the dark skin people that the Polynesians encountered created the pottery found though out the pacific islands.
Interestly, the DNA proof of an Asian origin of the Polynesians presents a problem with the conclusions of Lapita research. Critics of an American origin of Polynesians enthusiastically point out the DNA results. The Lapita experts stress the Melanesian origin of Polynesians, which contradicts in a great degree what the DNA experts are saying. These views both suggest an eastward movement, but they seem to differ on how that happened. If you accept the Lapita view, you'll have to accept the conclusion that Polynesians are offspring of people derived from Africa by way of Melanesia. The Lapita research declares that the artifacts that are found throughout Melanesia and Polynesia show a migratory track of colonizers from a particular group, which has similar backgrounds and cultures, in the region that extended from East Africa to East Polynesia. Unfortunately, the facts provided by DNA studies do not support that view. The DNA experts are saying that Polynesians came from Asia. In their studies they found that the Polynesian DNA does not match African DNA, but it closely matched Asian. These are conflicting ideas from the experts.
"As early as the nineteenth century, scholars had linked the languages of Polynesia to those spoken by Taiwan (then Formosa) and Malaysia. Today, Taiwan is inhabited by Han-speaking Chinese, but prior to the seventeenth century it was home to aboriginal groups speaking completely different languages. All of these languages were united into one family, Malayo-Polynesian, which became known as Austronesian in the early twentieth century. So, there is clear linguistic data tracing from Hawaii back to Asia, rather than the Americas. ...The 'Express Train' model, as it became known, predicted a close genetic link between aboriginal Taiwanese and the Polynesias. MtDNA seemed to support this model, although its resolution - as we have seen elsewhere - is often limited. Recent results from the Y-chromosome, though, have suggested that the theory needs to be modified." (p.179, The Journey of Man, A Genetic Odyssey, Spencer Wells, Princeton University Press, 2002)
Another problem area that I see is the attempt by some experts to correlate human DNA to languages when clearly, in the case of Polynesia, the two do not quite match the way it is explained. To insist that the only source of words in Polynesia be Asia is inadequate considering the numerous common words (Appendix B) between some languages of the Americas and Polynesia. While there are many similarities between the languages of Polynesia and Southeast Asia, limiting linguistic studies to that region does not address the complexities of human activities that encompass the Pacific people and their story.
Perhaps the history of the Polynesians is not that long. The Lapita researchers are trying desperately to tie them to a long evolutionary line - an approach that contradicts other facts.
6. Accidental versus Carefully Plan Migration
On the National Geographic Channel program "Naked Science: First to Cross the Ocean", Professor Jim O'Connell of the University of Utah explains how Australia was colonized by a group of people from Southeast Asia some 50,000 years ago. The program was based on 30-plus years of research by professor O'Connell. One of the highlights of the show is when professor O'Connell visited Professor John Moore of the University of Florida to learn about a computer program Moore designed to predict the survivability of a colonizing group on another planet. Results generated by the computer program demostrated that a random accidental colonization of Australia could not have occurred. It takes a certain number of couples, men and women, to make a colony survive.
If we apply that standard to the colonization of the Polynesian islands, the accidental theory that some anthropologists advocate can not be correct. Whether Polynesia was colonized from the East or West, an accidental colonization by a few people could not have servived after so many generations.
7. A Growing Field
a. Raw facts alone are not enough to tell the story.
There are many professional books presenting careful assumptions that are mistakenly construed as facts. The evolving nature of scientific knowledge makes it necessary to make best-educated conclusions, but some practitioners of science seem to use their positions, and not their facts, as a way to promote their ideas. This might be the case in archeology, which makes nonprofessionals, like myself, who read these works, get lost in piles of disconnected information. What caused these people to venture out to islands hundreds and even thousands of miles into the vast ocean? Why do they have a different DNA makeup compare to their supposed parents? Why do traditions and legends tell of different stories compare to what the artifacts reveal?
It's this uncertainty that results in many remarks, such as the following, being said without any clear and definite explanation. "Thus in Western Polynesia the 'end' of Lapita is the 'beginning' of Polynesian culture." (Kirch, p.68) And maybe in these instances, hard facts are not enough. Even Professor Kirch admitted that it is sometimes necessary to look beyond the artifacts - something I am trying to do here.
"Thus in Western Polynesia the 'end' of Lapita is the 'beginning' of Polynesian culture. Eastern Lapita was gradually transformed through processes of culture change and adaptation to new island environments to something recognizably different, yet retaining many of the ancestral culture patterns. In terms of formal archaeological taxonomy, we cease to label the ceramic and artifact assemblages found in the Western Polynesian region after about 500 BC as 'Lapita,' and now label them...'Polynesian Plain Ware'." (Kirch, p.68)
"Conservative prehistorians may argue that I have gone too far in my interpretation of Lapita as a 'house society', urging that we stick closely to the archaeological data of post molds and fire pits. But I - like my colleagues Roger Green, Jim Fox, and Andrew Pawley - am convinced that a cultural history that draws not only upon the material evidence of archaeology, but also on careful lexical and semantic reconstructions, and on comparative ethnology, has far greater power to inform us about the social lives of Lapita and other ancient peoples. Certainly our current vision of this social world is a fuzzy and incomplete one, for our methods need refinements and our databases enlarging. Only by daring to envision this world, however, can we ever bring it to light." (Kirch, p.191)
Kirch's book, "The Lapita Peoples", (9) and Spriggs' book, "The Island Melanesians", interesting enough, can also be use to show that there was a collision between the cultures of Melanesia and Polynesia that is observable with the Lapita artifacts and language similarities. Kirch's book estimated the start of the Polynesian identity, in Samoa and Tonga, to around 300 AD to 1000 AD. Interestingly, that is about the time other pacific islands, thousands of miles due east were colonized.
Can it be positively proven that Polynesians were responsible for the Polynesian Plain Ware, or are they remains of the work of a people who preceded the Polynesians? Maybe the two products are distinct designs? Pottery making is still done in some places in the far west Pacific, but it is nowhere found practiced in Polynesia.
b. Reading between the lines.
Gorge Forster (quoted in Beaglehole 1969:461) records that the Malakulans who visited Cook's ship in Port Sandwich when it first anchored kept repeating the word 'Tommar or Tomarro' which he took to mean friend, but which may have been temar or ancestor. Although the initial reaction of ni-Vanuatu may have been ascribe supernatural status of Cook and his ships, it seems that where contact was continued for some time, as at the next stop after Erromongo, Port Resolution on Tanna, it was quickly realized that the visitors were human, if it had been in doubt. On islands with long experience of Polynesian contact, the white color of the Europeans was as likely to have suggested Polynesian voyagers as returned ancestors." (Spriggs, p.249)
The above quote from Spriggs' "The Island Melanesians" suggested that some people within the Melanesian region consider Polynesians their ancestors.
"What historical linguistics on its own cannot convincingly achieve is a chronology for the spread of a language group or for the dating of a particular language state or proto-language" (Spriggs, p.96)
The Polynesians share many common words with Melanesians and other Southeast Asian peoples. However, to use this to prove that Polynesians originated from there, to me, is just an assumption. I have compiled words common between Samoan and languages of the Americas that show that there are just as many common words between Samoan to those languages. Peter gave me some information that says 30 percent of Samoan and Quechuen words are identical. The list of words I compiled (Appendix B) seems to confirm that number. The trouble, I see, in the linguistic field is the emphasis toward the western Asiatic languages and the exclusion of any relationship between the Samoan language and Native American languages.
8. Coming to America
The traditional view about the peopling of the Americas is based on the notion that a primitive people crossed over to the Americas from Asia over a land bridge when the sea level was low as a result of ice formation during the Ice Age. (10) An article in the journal Science suggested that a people might have moved from Siberia to America long before such a land bridge existed. The new finding "makes it plausible that the first peopling of the Americas occurred prior to the last glacial maximum," Daniel Mann of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks, said in Science. It is now known from research findings that there were people in the Americas long before the supposed land bridge existed (around 11,000 years ago). The utilization of floating devices (logs) is fairly within the abilities of primitive minds to create and use in coastal areas when the need arise.
As recently as November 2004, CNN reported that a University of South Carolina archaeologist, Albert Goodyear, found evidence to suggest the Americas were settled 50,000 years ago. That is at least 25,000 years before other known human sites on the continent, CNN reports. "It poses some real problems trying to explain how you have people (arriving) in Central Asia almost at the same time as people in the Eastern United States," said Theodore Schurr at the University of Pennsylvania.
It was suggested on the television program "Journey to 10,000 BC" that people from pre-historic Europe migrated to the Americas. The program highlighted Dennis Stanford, the Director of the Paleo-Indian Program at the National Museum of Natural History at the Smithsonian Institution who advocates the notion that people from Europe migrated to the Americas in what is known as the Solutrean hypothesis. According to Stanford, the stone tool technology of the Solutrean culture in prehistoric Europe may have influenced the development of the Clovis tool-making in the Americas.
Once they make it to the New World, what would prevent some from venturing out into the seas? Some Native American communities made a living out of hunting large sea animals. The ability to doing that, I think, is enough to make long sea voyages possible. Even an accidental drifting by some unfortunate fishermen would find themselves in the remote easterly islands of Polynesia, as demonstrated by Heyerdahl with his raft, the Kon-Tiki.
9. Gata (pronounce: ngata)
The Samoan word for snake (gata) suggests a very interesting thing to me. This word, and its various derivations, reveals a commonality between very diverse cultures and lands. Firstly, the Sanskrit word "nag" is an origin of the word "naga" common in Buddhist writings that refers to snakes or snake-like things. This word for snake is also found in varous other parts of the world including the Middle East and the Americas. The following list suggests that the Javanese word for dragon (ulanaga) is a compound word derived from two eastern words, red (ula) and snake (ngata). The reverse would be an unlikely case. I am not a language expert, but I think that complex (or compound) words are formed from root words and not the other way around.
| Southeast Asia | Samoa | Americas | |
| snake | ular (SE2) | gata (ngata) | chan/kan (CA5) |
| dragon | ulanaga (SE4) | "no word for dragon" | - |
| red | - | ula | puka (SA2) |
| neckless | - | ula | - |
"The ancient Hebrew word for "Serpent" is "Nachash" (which according to Strong's Comprehensive and other Biblical concordances contained in itself the meanings: Reptile, Enchantment, Hissing, Whisper, Diligently Observe, Learn by Experience, Incantation, Snake, etc. all of which may be descriptive of the serpent-sauroid race which we have been referring to). The original "Nachash" was not actually a "snake" as most people believe, but actually an extremely intelligent, cunning creature possessed with the ability to speak and reason. It also stood upright as we've said, as did many of it's descendants, the small "saurian" predators which ambled about on two legs." (from "The Cult of the Serpent" file, edited by Branton) [http://www.reptilianagenda.com/research/r073101a.html]
"Quetzalcoatl is a feathered and winged serpent. In the Motherland to the South of the Quetzals were a people whose corresponding symbol was the Cobra-de-Capella, which they called Naga. They were known as the Nagas. They gave their Naga seven heads to correspond with the Seven Commands" or mental planes of creation. The early settlers in North America, coming, generally, from the northern parts of the Motherland, made the feathered serpent their symbol." [http://www.sacred-texts.com/atl/ssm/ssm10.htm]
10. Parallels and Synonyms
I wanted to include in this manuscript, for comparison, a collection of words from the languages of Native Americans and Samoan. I wanted to list those words that seemed similar in both the spelling and meaning. The result of that search is listed as Appendix B. My only source for these references was the public library, and so therefore this list is far from comprehensive. However, for the languages that I was fortunate enough to find books for in the library, I was able to compile the word list. Most of these like words are found in the languages of South and Central America - Inca, Maya, and Zapotec. But, interestingly, I also found a lot of like words (listed below) in the Lakota language from the Great Planes of North America.
| English | Samoan | Lakota (North America) |
| difficult | faigata (faingata) | nagana, dxiina (Mayan) |
| to find it hard to work | - | wah'anka |
| hurt | tiga (tinga) | - |
| upper part of a river | uluvai | - |
| brain | faiai | nas'ula |
| forehead | mu'aulu | ituhu |
| to rub | - | apa |
| to reach | a'apa'atu | - |
| mistake | sala, sipa, se'se, agasala | si'pil (Mayan), aglasna |
| root | a'a, io | de, xcu (Zapotec) |
| a medicinal herb root | - | haka |
| below | lalo | kuta, ye-ma-la (yemal) (Mayan) |
| shore (edge of a stream) | - | ihuta, ohuta |
| inland (mountain area) | tua, iuta | uta (Ute) |
| to weigh | - | iyuta |
| load/burden | uta | kuch (Mayan) |
| to burn | tunu, susunu, mu | gu |
| land (earth) | fanua, laumua | maka, lu'um (Mayan), luhm (Quechean) |
| raw | mata | - |
| country | malo | llaqta (Quechua), makoce |
| to cut | tipi | ch'aakik, xotik, puztequi (Mayan) |
| to fit | - | kipi |
| to die | mate, oti, pe | mic (Nahuatl), kimil (Mayan), rati (Zapotec), ta, ote, mat'a |
| death | maliu, folau, mate, oti, pe | kimen, och b'i (Mayan), guenda guti, guenda rati (Zapotec) |
| to kill | ta'mate, fasi'oti, kape | kte |
| live in | oofi | oti |
| destroy | uti | - |
| beat | tata | kastaka |
| kick | a'a, i'i | nahpa |
| meat | aano | talo |
| taro | talo, ta'amu | - |
| squash | - | k'uum (Mayan) |
| flow | tafe | - |
| wind, air | - | iik' (Mayan), tate |
| expression of fear/amazed | oka'oka, ofo, te'i | - |
| plenty | - | ota |
| grand | - | mboota (Zapotec) |
| water | vai | ja', ha', way (Mayan), mni, unu (Quechua) |
| rain | timuga (timunga) | magaju, ha' (Mayan) |
| sea | sami | mniwanca, mni sose tanka |
| river | auvai | wa (Kwakiutl) |
| snow | - | wa |
| adore | - | ohola |
| friend | - | kola |
| to cultivate | to'to | - |
| to live | ola | gvhnoda (Cherokee) |
| the Great Spirit | - | wakantanka ohola |
| boat | va'a | wata |
| god | atua | wakantanka |
| paddle | selu, alo | alus (Sumas) |
| comb | selu | - |
| sweep | salu | - |
| wave | galu (ngalu) | - |
| to fan | tapili, fa'amalu | kalu |
| fan | - | icalu |
| enemy (hostile) | - | toka |
| angry stare | sepa | - |
| dirty, defiled, blacken | - | sapa, sape |
| rooster | toa | kokoyahanla bloka |
| priest-astronomers | - | paqo (Huarochiri) |
| man who makes decisions | - | pogo |
| smart | poto, atamai | asamadi (Cherokee) |
| knowledgeable | - | aktahna?i (Cherokee) |
| basket | ola, ato | xak (Mayan) |
| barrel | - | koka |
| gourd | - | wagmu |
| bottle | fagu (fangu) | - |
| to scold | ote, ee | k'eeyik (Mayan), iyopeya |
| wing | apa'au | hupahu, ape |
| involved | o'osi | - |
| wound | - | oo |
| black | - | sapa |
| dirt | pala'pala, ele'ele | - |
| dirty | pala'pa'la | sapa |
| enrails | - | taniga |
| ear | taliga (talinga) | xikin (Mayan), diaga (Zapotec), ga?leni (Cherokee) |
| prominent | ta'ua | tanka |
| person | tagata (tangata) | - |
| people | o tagata | oyate |
| father | ta'ma | ate, tat{a} (Mayan) |
| nose | isu | xii (Zapotec), ni' (Mayan), poge, pasu |
| field (caltivated) | umaga | maga |
| mother | tina | jnaa (Zapotec), ina |
| pole | - | sata |
| beam for hanging things | fata | - |
| proud | mimita | itan |
| spirit | agaga, nagua | naguals (Nahuatl), wanagi |
| soul | - | nagi |
| sky | lagi (langi) | chaan/ka'an (Mayan), mahpiya |
| sacred (holy) | sa, mamalu | wakan |
| red | ula, mumu | puka (Zapotec), chak (Mayan), luta, sa |
| fresh | mata | aak' (Mayan) |
| green (color) | lanu mata | - |
| ground, the earth | - | maka |
| raw, unripe, green | mata, moto | naga' (Zapotec), ch'o-ko (Mayan) |
| cultivated spot or field | umaga | maga |
| I am | o a'u | waun |
| salt | masima | mniskuya |
| bark | - | papa |
| stretched mat, flat rock | papa | - |
| flatten | papa | pak'achtik (Mayan) |
| male | po'a | ngola (Zapotec), bloka |
| alas, cry of sorrow | aue, e'e | he-he |
| yell | e'e | - |
| drop | pa'u | lape (Zapotec) |
| to kick, cause to fall | - | nahpeya |
| trip (fall) | lape | - |
| strike, hit | tu'i, ta, moto, po | sak', puts-e, p'uchik (Mayan), apa |
| slap | po, paka | - |
| clap | pati | - |
| eat | ota (uncooked), ai, tausami, taumafa, taute | hanal (Mayan), ayastan, wota |
| embrace | opo'opo | - |
| to be shrunken | - | opo |
| to walk dragging one's feet | - | gogo s'e |
| walk too slow | gogose, nenese | nanene (Zapotec) |
| in the grown, as grass that has not yet shown itself growning | - | makagna |
| shame | mata'ga (mata'nga) | - |
| in the way of | aga | ogna |
| school | aoga | - |
| in the way of one's speech | lona gagana | ognagna |
| language | gagana | - |
| to wander in | - | onuni |
| which way | ui'fea | - |
| the hair of the head | pale, lau'ulu | paha |
| the pit of the stomach | - | supute |
| belly-button | pute | - |
| a little basket in a woman's game | - | tanpa |
| sack | taga | - |
| a squash, pumpkin, gourd, etc | - | wagmu |
| a taro variety | ta'amu | - |
| dinner | - | ipaga |
| meal | ta'uga, mea'ai, to'anai'i, ava, aiga | - |
| to quarrel with | misa | kiza |
| relative | ou tei | otakuye |
| laugh | ata | aihat'a |
| leaf | lau | ape |
| hang | ape, sisi | - |
| question | masalo, fesili | iyunga |
| reason | uiga | - |
Besides the Lakota language, there were few other languages that satisfied by search amongst the many peoples living in North America. If these like words had a common root, how did they travel between the Great Planes of North America and the Middle Pacific? Did people who spoke those words moved down from the Great Planes of North America to Central America, down to South America, and into the middle Pacific? Or, did people traveled the same route but in the opposite direction? Better yet, is there a possibility that people dispersed outward from a point in South America? From that dispersal, these people took familiar stories into both North America and Polynesia. For examples are the stories of how Native Americans acquired corn and how Polynesians acquired the coconut. These two stories are identical. In both stories a person was killed and their body (or body part) was buried, which the corn, or coconut, grew from. The root idea may have nothing to do with corn or coconut - a root idea that is most likely found in the human sacrifices of Central and South America.
I extended by search for common words between the Samoan language and regions beyond the Americas and Southeast Asia. Might there be like words between the Samoan language and Egyptian? Yes. Interestingly, they are mostly words relating to kingship and religion. Here are some words from the word list (Appendix B) that are related, I think, to the word "ulu" (head).
| English | SE Asia | Middle East | Samoan | Americas |
| headache | - | - | ulu ti'ga | k'inam ho'ol (CA5) |
| great ones | - | arau (ME1) | - | - |
| nobles | mulia (SE1) | uru (ME1) | - | - |
| king | muluk (SE1) | - | tupu | tepal (CA5) |
| royal | diraja (SE1) | - | - | tupa (SA2) |
| great | besar, raja (SE1) | urui (ME1) | - | - |
| upper part of a river | hulu (SE1) | - | uluvai | - |
| brain | otak (SE2) | - | faiai | nas'ula (NA11) |
| gold | emas (SE2) | nub (ME1), zahav (ME2) | auro | gori, yuari (SA2) |
| holy | kudus, suci (SE1) | - | paia | k'ul (CA5) |
| forehead | - | - | mu'aulu | ituhu (NA11) |
| head | ulu (SE4) | - | ulu, ao | jol (CA5), xalom (CA6), uska (NA13) |
| beginning | - | sha (ME1) | amataga, ulua'i | ruzulu (CA4) |
| fruit | buah (SE1), aifuan (SE3) | - | fua, ulu | ch'uhuk (CA5) |
| chief/owner/head | ulu (SE4) | tatat (ME1) | ulu, pule | churi (SA3), ho'ol (CA5) |
| leader | ulu (SE4), totos (SE4) | hauti (ME1) | ta'ita'i, to'oto'o | - |
| staff | - | aryt (ME1) | to'oto'o, amo | - |
| guardian | pengawal (SE1) | ari (ME1) | - | - |
| lord | tuhan (SE1) | - | alii | - |
| family leader | - | - | matai | - |
| the town-guard | - | matai (ME1) | - | - |
If there were movements of people into the middle Pacific from outside, the words that would most likely survived would be related to rulers and gods. You can see this from the words I compiled (Appendix B). The labels ME1 (Egyptian) and ME2 (Hebrew) are for reference. If these words are not coincidental, how did they travel? They might have traveled eastward from the Middle East to the mid-Pacific through Southeast Asia, or they might have traveled westward from the Middle East to the Americas, and then to Polynesia. This is where a little expert advice would come in handy. I do not know if there is a way to determine a word pedigree based on these common words. Maybe a migration route can be determined from these common words. I am not a linguist, unfortunately, and all I can show are these words. I read something about a Dr. Russell Gray mapping the Polynesian and Mesoamerican languages using a very ingenious method of computer modeling similar to what biologists use in genes studies. It'll be interesting to know what results his team come up with. The next step for me was to see if those words that are common between Egypt and Samoa resemble words in Southeast Asia and the Americas. Although my word list is limited, I do see a lot more words in the American languages that satisfy this requirement compare to languages of Southeast Asia. That fact, indirectly, indicates for me that the movement westward from the Middle East, to the Americas, and then into the middle Pacific is the most probable route of these words.
What about other languages in continental Africa? Africa is such a huge continent with many dialects that I decided to make a comparison to just a few languages. Again, my source was the public library. The few African languages that I sampled contained word spelled similar to Samoan words, however, the meanings were different. It is possible that there might be some similarities, but so far I have not found it. It is possible that because of Egyptian influences in Africa proper; there might be words in other communities of Africa that are similar to Samoan words.
11. The Three Stones of Creation Myth
Previously I said that the Native American astronomical ideas are the sources for some of the Samoan traditions. I think that the Samoans fashioned new ideas from some basic knowledge they acquired. A process similar to how some modern Christian traditions were acquired. For example, the Christians have ideas that are not found in the Bible, but were derived from it. The concept of the Rapture for instance, which is an acceptable fact to Christians, is not mentioned anywhere in the Bible. The ideas of the nine heavens and three supporting pillars in Samoan myths are directly tie to the observations of pre-Columbian astronomers.
"This is just one of several accounts of the three throne stones that were placed by the gods at the time of creation. After this act, the gods separate the sky from the earth and erected the world tree at the center of the universe" (Merging Myth and Politics, p.170-171)
"The concept of the three stones was a core component of Mesoamerican myth. I want to stress that this is Mesoamerican myth. It is not limited to one of the many cultures of Mesoamerica, for it appears, at the very least, among the Olmec, Maya, Mixtec, and Aztec." (p.172)
Elements of this myth is found in the Samoan creation story.
"Then Tangaloa said to Tui-te'e-langi, 'Come here now; that you may prop up the sky.' Then it was propped up; it reached up on high. But it fell down because he was not able for it. Then Tui-te'e-langi went to Masoa and Teve; he brought them and used them as props; then he was able. (The masoa and the teve were the first plants that grew, and other plants came afterwards)." (Tala, Samoan creation story)
The Samoan "taualuga" dance (taua: war; luga: above; translates as 'war in a higher place') also reveals the importance of the number three in the Samoan culture. In the taualuga, a "taupou" (village maid or virgin) does a slow and dedicate dance. Surrounding her are others doing animated dances to distract the taupou from doing her slow dance, taunting her to move faster, and to copy the way they dance. The "taupou" should continue with her slow dance despite the distraction. The taupou wears a "tuiga" - a headdress made of flowers, shells, human hair, and three recognizable spikes. This is the basic form of the taualuga, which is demonstrated in a variety of ways by different performers. Also in a 'taualuga', a male person would drop and lay flat down on the floor, which invites the 'taupou' dancer to step on him. Samoan festivities most often culminate with a 'taualuga' performance where anyone can join, makes lots of noise, and contribute money.
12. The three Fono houses
"I have argued that Teotihuacan had a triadic political structure much like that recorded for the Aztec, and that the physical arrangement of thematic motifs in the White Patio reflects an actual political system. However, the murals of the White Patio convey an even richer message, for they integrate political structure with cosmological mythology." ("Landscape and Power in Ancient Mesoamerica", p. 188) (11)
Similar to this apparent three-group political structure in Mesoamerica, the "Solo ole Va" also seems to convey a triadic political organization.
- Fono of Tranquility
Or peaceful fono which Tranquility is named;
At fono of Tranquility, your councils you must hold,This fono was probably a council made up of representatives from the royal families, or the ruler himself.
- Fono of Asia
The fono of Asia, the fono of Assembly,
Or of Lologo, or Pule-faatasi.The fono of Asia ("visit", "include") is probably a general assembly that discuss, expound ("lologo") and legislate ("pule-faatasi").
- Fono of the Rock
Or fono of the Rock, or where Confusion reigned,
This fono probably dealt with war, or something having to do with settlement of complaints.
13. The Vase of the Seven Gods
In his book, "The Hidden Maya", page 77, Martin Brennan mentioned an image from a cylindrical vase titled, "The Vase of the Seven Gods." He also mentioned another image found on page 130; the "Seven Macaw" that he explained to refer to the seven stars in the Big Dipper. In the Samoan creation story, the principle god, Tangaloa-fa'a-tutupu-nu'u, caused the following rocks to appear before the actual act of creation took place. They are "Papa-taoto," "Papa-sosolo," "Papa-lau-a'au," "Papa-'ano-'ano," "Papa-'ele," "Papa-tu," and "Papa-'amu-'amu."
According to Gerald Massey, "The Seven Souls of Man and their Culmination in Christ", c. 1900, the number seven was very important in Egyptian traditions.
14. Nine Heavens
The "Samoan Creation Story" tells of the creation of nine heavens. Could this has any connection to Mesoamerica? The Samoan story also starts from the sun.
"Then Immensity and Space brought forth offspring; they brought forth Po and Ao, 'Night and Day,' and this couple was ordained by Tangaloa to produce the 'Eye of Sky,' [the Sun]. Again Immensity and Space brought forth Le-Langi; that is the Second Heavens; for Tui-te'e-langi went forth to prop it up and the sky became double; and Immensity and Space remained there, and they peopled the sky.... Then again Langi brought forth; that was the Ninth Heavens; and it was propped up by Tui-te'e-langi; and that heaven was peopled by Ilu and Mamao. Then ended the productiveness of Ilu and Mamao; it reached to the Ninth Heavens." (Samoan Creation Story)
"The setting of 'The Descent of the Goddess' is a panoramic view of the primordial ocean divided into upper and lower regions separated by a sky band representing the ecliptic and divided into nine segments. In the illustration the first segment is the Sun followed by probable Mars and Mercury symbols. Next comes Jupiter and Venus and then a repetition of the Mercury and Jupiter signs. The next sign contains bands thought to represent the crossing of the Milky Way with the plane of the ecliptic and finally a sign that I think is likely to represent a phase of the Moon." (The Hidden Maya, Martin Brennan, p. 85)
15. Probable Samoan direction names
"I would hypothesize that Tojil was linked to the year-bearer Quej (Deer) through Junajpu the hunter, and Awilix to Ik' (Wind, and Sickness). The other two year-bearers would be more difficult to identify, though Noj (Strong, Resin, Weather) would seem to correlate best with Jakawitz, and E (Tooth) with Nic'aj Tak'aj, through that day's association with maize. These identifications would associate the four gods with major cycles of time; the time cycles, in turn, would receive directional associations: Quej with the east, Ik' with the west, Noj with the south, and E with the north." ("The Quiche Mayas of Utatlan", Robert Carmack, 1934, p.204)
The following list is what I suspect as possible old Polynesian names for the four directions before they settled into their new home, and before their language changed.
| Direction | Egyptian | Quiche Mayas | Samoan | Probable Polynesian |
| East | - | quej | sasae | tui, tua, lefiti |
| West | maarav (Hebrew) | ik' | sasifo | iti, hiti, marama |
| South | shema | noj | toga, hema (Hawaiian) | nofo, hema |
| North | meht | e | matu | ee, i'i, ae, matu |
| Words | ||||
| climb | - | nak-en | a'e | - |
| lift | - | - | sa'e, si'i | - |
| sit down | - | - | nofo, sifo | - |
| bow down | pet | - | ifo, punou | - |
16. A glance at the world at large
What was going on with the rest of the world? I have collected some dates of important events (Appendix G) from around the world that show how busy and active the world was in ancient times. The linear view of many historical records belies the true nature of a far more complicated human history. Considering the Polynesians, it is very likely that current Lapita explanations of their origins is incomplete and needs to be modified to include a possible connection to peoples of pre-Columbian America. I am not suggesting that we ignore the strong relationships between Polynesia and Southeast Asia. But, what I am saying is that we should examine other possible relationships that would make the history of Polynesians more complete.
17. Pacific Rat (Rattus exulans):
The BBC reporting on the rat DNA clues to sea migration
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/sci/tech/3784759.stm
The rat mtDNA types fell into three haplogroups, or types: I, II and III. Haplogroup I is found primarily in South-East Asia. Haplogroup II was found in South-East Asia and a region known as Near Oceania. Haplogroup III is only found in an area known as Remote Oceania, comprising the islands of Vanuatu, Fiji and Samoa. The researchers claim this result allows them to reject two well-known theories for the colonisation of Polynesia, including the Express Train To Polynesia (ETP) theory and the Bismarck Archipelago Indigenous Inhabitants (BAII) theory. These two theories are at opposite ends of the spectrum. The ETP theory focuses on a rapid dispersal from Taiwan to Polynesia. The BAII proposes that there was no migration into Near Oceania, and that the Lapita culture arose from indigenous people in the area. Matisoo-Smith and Robins argue that the truth was somewhere in between. The absence of Haplogroup III rats from Near Oceania seems to preclude a progressive expansion from that area into Remote Oceania where Haplogroup III rats are common. Instead, the researchers claim, the seafarers who brought Haplogroup III rats to Remote Oceania did not come from nearby New Guinea or the Solomon Islands but from close to the Asian mainland, completely by-passing Near Oceania.(BBC News, Tuesday, 8 June, 2004)
Janet M. Wilmshurstl
Landcare Research, PO Box 69, Lincoln 8152, New Zealand,
wilmshurstj@landcareresearch.co.nz
http://intl-hol.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/14/6/801
Thomas F.G. Higham
Oxford University Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit, Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art, 6 Keble Road, University of Oxford, Oxford OX1 3QJ, UK
The Pacific rat (Rattus exulans) was transported throughout the south Pacific with voyaging humans. Thus, the earliest dated evidence of Pacific rat can be used to infer first human contact. Until recently, it was considered that rats arrived in New Zealand with humans in the thirteenth century AD. However, controversial radiocarbon dates on Pacific rat bones now suggest that rats reached the remote islands of New Zealand with people c. AD 50-150. These dates are anomalous because they imply human contact with New Zealand more than 1000 years before any archaeological evidence for human presence, and precede settlement of tropical eastern Polynesia, the ancestral homeland of Maori, the first New Zealanders. The early rat bone dates are controversial for other technical reasons, which have been debated in the literature. Here, distinctive rat-gnawed seed cases preserved in sediments are used as a proxy to independently date the arrival of the Pacific rat and humans in New Zealand. This method effectively bypasses the problems that have plagued rat bone dating and provides a reliable age for rat and human arrival. The oldest dates on rat-gnawed seed cases from widely separated sites are consistent with the Pacific rat arriving at the same time as the initial human settlement of New Zealand in the thirteenth century AD, and not before. The gnawed seed dates lend no support to the argument for an earlier introduction of rats. This dating approach offers a novel way of clarifying island colonization histories throughout Oceania.
18.Chicken-bone clue points to early America-Polynesia contacts
(2007) Recent scientific findings involving chicken bones is making it more convincing that America-Polynesia contacts were made and traversing the huge ocean distances was well within the abilities of early mariners. This study will appear in proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Its lead author is New Zealand anthropologist Alice Storey. It appears that the chances of Polynesians having common interactions with the Americas is just as possible as they were with the peoples on the Asiatic side. Using the chicken bone evidence, scientists believe that the Polynesians made contact with America about 600 or 700 years ago.
19. Samoan and Hebrew word comparison
Could there be some Samoan words having common roots with Hebrew words? The following list contains some Hebrew and Samoan words that exhibit similarities. Statistically, it may be possible to produce such a list without these words having anything to do with each others, but it is an interesting likeness nevertheless. I have compiled a larger list of words (appendix B) from the Middle East, Americas, Polynesia, and Southeast Asia for comparison.
| English | Hebrew | Samoan |
| know | ya-do'-a | iloa |
| mother | i-ma' | tina |
| lighting rod | kallira'am | uila |
| old age | kelah | tua'a, leva |
| pass | - | te'a |
| black | kushi | uli |
| force, strength | ko'ah, ko'-ach | - |
| brave | - | toa |
| pain | keev | ti'ga, eeva |
| hurt | lehipaga | puagatia, ti'na, ti'ga |
| show | hatzaga, hofaa | fa'aaliga, fa'ailoa |
| kick | - | a'a |
| to walk | ha | savali |
| path | shvil | ala |
| fishing | dayig | sau'sau, fagota, faiva |
| fish | - | i'a |
| long | arokh | sa'o |
| sea | yam | sami |
| sky | sha-ma-yim | lagi |
| wave | gal | galu |
| sickness | mahala | ma'i, manu'a |
| calamity | - | malaia, mala |
| bitter | mara | - |
| all, everything | hakol | atoa |
| meal | aruha | ta'uga, mea'ai, to'anai'i, ava, aiga |
| question | sheela | masalo, fesili |
| search | - | saili |
| juice | mitz | sua, miti (coconut milk) |
| how | eykh | fa'apefea, a ea (okay?) |
| love | leehov, a-hov, a-hava | alofa |
| respect | - | a'ava |
| hill | giva | matifa |
| forbidden | asur | sa |
| against | neged | nene'e |
| organize | baurau | faufau |
| clay impression seal | bulla | - |
| rule | - | pule |
| shell | - | pule |
| swallow | dror' | folo |
| separate | hav-dail | vava-tai |
| blood | dom | toto |
| brother | och | uso |
| dead | maith | malie, oti, mate |
| sick | - | mai |
| fire | aish | afi |
| green | yarok, yraka | moto, mata |
| meet | pa-go'-a | - |
| embrace | - | pago |
| roast | tsa-lo | tao |
| rob | ga-zol | gaoi |
| roll | ga-lol | gasolo |
| roof | gag, sa-kaich | tala, sala, ato |
| sack | pa-tor | taga |
| basket | - | ato |
| shoot | ya-ro | velo |
| arrow | ya-ro | a-u |
| spear | - | tao |
| sit | ya-shov' | nofo, saofai |
| smoke | a-shain, a-shan | a-asu |
| steal | ga-nov | gaoi |
| strike | ha-kai | ta |
| sun | cha-ma | - |
| father | - | ta-ma |
| swallow | ba-lo'-a | folo |
| back | gav | itua, gatua |
| bring, fetch | ha-vai' | aumai |
| tell, relate | hav-dail | talai |
| legend, tale, story | ha-ga-da' | tala'aga |
| language | - | gagana |
| teach, instruct | ho-rai' | aoa'i |
| yellow | ktho-ma' | sama-sama |
| sight (to see) | ha-bait' | vaa'i, tepa |
20. Tanoa
According to the English dictionary, the word "canoe" is a primitive boat without a rudder.
canoe
\Ca*noe"\, n.; pl. Canoes. [Sp. canoa, fr. Caribbean can['a]oa.] 1. A boat used by rude nations, formed of trunk of a tree, excavated, by cutting of burning, into a suitable shape. It is propelled by a paddle or paddles, or sometimes by sail, and has no rudder.
The Samoan "tanoa" (wooden bowl) is used in food preparation and kava ceremonies. Since the kava ceremony is an old Samoan pre-European tradition, the word "tanoa" has an ancient origin. The outrigger canoe in Samoa is called the "paopao" that I believe originated from Melanesia.
21. Candi Sukuh
A Hindu temple in central Java has a very interesting feature that resambles Mayan pyramid construction. It is call "Candi Sukuh" (12), and it is unique from the various Hindu influenced temple contructed throughout South East Asia. Hindu culture moved into South East Asia around 1 AD. The Mayan culture florished from around 300 BC. Who influenced who in this case? Just a question.
22. Samoan and Formosian word comparison
Because there is a strong opinion that Polynesians originated from Taiwan, formally Formosa, I decided to create a list of aboriginal Taiwanese words I can find and compare them to Samoan and languages from the Americas.
| English | Pepo-whan | Samoan | East |
| All | Sasaan | - | - |
| Arm | Pario | - | - |
| Bad | Mabuhu | - | - |
| Beard | Gingi | - | - |
| Big | Maizang | - | - |
| Bird | Aiane | - | - |
| Black | Maidum | - | - |
| Blood | Gama | - | - |
| Blue | Taburusung | - | - |
| Bow | kuh | - | - |
| Breast | Abu | - | - |
| Brother | Nigaha | - | - |
| Buy | Pelakule | - | - |
| Cat | Luklao | - | - |
| Chin | Tak-tak | - | - |
| Clouds | Rabu | - | - |
| Cold | Mahau mung | - | - |
| Come | Mapunakuti | - | - |
| Cook | Tuku | - | - |
| *grilled* | - | tunu | - |
| Cow | Loang | - | - |
| Cry | Mang-i | tagi | - |
| Dark | Madung | - | - |
| *night* | - | po | - |
| *fog, mist* | - | - | po (Lakota) |
| Daughter | Alaka | - | - |
| Deer | Nang | - | - |
| Die | Mariku | maliu, oti, pe | mic (Nahuatl), kimil (Mayan), rati (Zapotec), ta, ote, mat'a |
| Dog | Asu | - | - |
| Door | Natap | - | - |
| Ears | Tangira | taliga | - |
| East | Tagaja | - | - |
| Egg | Po pak | - | - |
| Elbow | Puuk | - | - |
| Evening | Madung | - | - |
| Eyes | Mata | mata | - |
| Father | Dama | tama | - |
| Feather | Ribing | - | - |
| Few | Akousai | - | - |
| Finger | Kagamua | - | - |
| Finger Nail | Kalunkung | - | - |
| Fire | Apui | afi | - |
| Fish | Tug | i'a | ts'a, kay, cha-ya (Maya), challwa (Quechua), dika (Shoshone) |
| Flower | Isib | - | - |
| Foot | Tintin | - | - |
| Fruit | Maugua | fua, ulu | ch'uhuk (Maya) |
| *mountain* | - | (tua) mauga | mana (Panoan/Peru) |
| Go | Madarang | - | - |
| Good | Magani | - | - |
| Grass | Uzu | - | - |
| Gun | Lantu | - | - |
| Hair | Buku | lau ulu | - |
| Hand | Dadukam | - | - |
| He | Inuhua | - | - |
| Head | Bungu | ulu, ao | jol (Maya), xalom (Quichean) |
| Heart | Abu | fatu | - |
| Heel | Lugu | - | - |
| Hen | Tahuka | - | - |
| Hot | Madzulat | - | - |
| House | Hamadung | - | - |
| Husband | Tinu | taane | - |
| I | Yau | - | - |
| *me* | - | O a'u | - |
| Iron | Mani | - | - |
| It | Samshu | - | - |
| Knee | Dudu | - | - |
| Knife | Ulut | - | - |
| Laugh | Matawa | ata | aihat'a (Lakota), zeel (Quichean) |
| *laughter* | - | ata'li | ah tzeel (Quichean) |
| *to laugh* | - | - | zelah (Quichean) |
| *out of breath* | - | sela | - |
| Leaf | Hapa | lau | ape (Lakota) |
| *hang* | - | ape, sisi | - |
| Lie down | Mariku | - | - |
| Light | Madama | malama | - |
| Lips | Babibit | - | - |
| Little | Mansing | - | - |
| Long | Mahadak | - | - |
| Man | Amama | - | - |
| Many | Mada | - | - |
| Moon | Buran | masina | killa (Aymara), ma-hin (North America/Shew.), poh (Quichean) |
| Morning | Matakuh | - | - |
| North | Tagama | - | - |
| Mother | Jena | tina | - |
| Mountain | Bukung | - | - |
| Mouth | Mutut | gutu | - |
| Must | Malup | - | - |
| Neck | Kudunk | - | - |
| No | Akoatai | leai, aua | aua (No. America/Songes), whaa (No. America/Nisk.), ma (Maya) |
| Nod | Marisip | - | - |
| Nose | Gung-us | - | - |
| Pig | Babui | - | - |
| Plantain | Dum | - | - |
| Pretty | Mabutira | - | - |
| *beautiful* | - | mata'nofie, manai'a, aulelei | munaycha (Quechua) |
| Rain | Udan | timuga | para (Maya), hab (Quichean) |
| *soak* | - | pala, fufui | - |
| Red | Mai pang | ula, mumu | puka (Zapotec), chak (Mayan), luta, sa (Lakota) |
| Rice | Pak | - | - |
| River | Aguang | - | - |
| Roof | Alub | - | - |
| Round | Marunzarung | - | - |
| Sand | Lapun | - | - |
| Sea | Baung | - | - |
| Sell | Mirakakule | - | - |
| Short | Makusing | - | - |
| Shoulder | Tagu | - | - |
| Silver | Manituk | - | - |
| Sing | Ururao | - | - |
| Sister | Bim | - | - |
| Sleep | Mariku | - | - |
| Smoke | Labu | a-asu, pusa | gu'xhu' (Zapotec), b'utz' (Maya) |
| Snake | Bulae | - | - |
| Son | Alak | atali'i, alo | - |
| *lineage* | - | - | ayllo (Aymara) |
| Sour | Maaqmid | - | - |
| South | Tagatimu | - | - |
| Stars | Alatingakai | - | - |
| Stone | Batu | - | - |
| Sun | Wagi | la | sua, na-la (North America), k'iin (Mayan), ra (Kaingang/Brazil) |
| *sky* | - | lagi | - |
| Sweet | Mahami | - | - |
| Sweet Potato | Tamami | - | - |
| Talk | Masusuu | - | - |
| *soft talk* | - | musu'musu | - |
| Teeth | Walit | - | - |
| They | Kagudung | - | - |
| *them* | - | latou | laatu (Zapotec) |
| Thigh | Paa | - | - |
| Thou | Inuhu | - | - |
| Thunder | Dung-dung | - | - |
| Toe | Kagamua | - | - |
| Toe-nail | Kalunkung | - | - |
| Tongue | Dalila | - | - |
| Tree | Bukung | - | - |
| Ugly | Madidung | - | - |
| Walk | Madadarang | - | - |
| Warm | Madalat | - | - |
| Water | Dalum | vai | ja', ha', way (Mayan), mni, unu (Quechua) |
| West | Tagalaua | - | - |
| When | Timang-kokana | - | - |
| White | Mapuli | - | - |
| Wife | Kigung | - | udali'i (Cherokee) |
| *husband-wife* | - | unali'i | - |
| Woman | Inina | tamai'ta'i, fafine, suna | gunaa (Zapotec), kuna (Guarani/Paraquay) |
| Wood | Kaiu | - | - |
| Wood Knife | Takaili | - | - |
| Work | Muuma | - | - |
| Yellow | Makutang | - | - |
| Yes | Haee | i'oe | - |
| 1 | Saaaat | - | - |
| 2 | Duha | lua | - |
| 3 | Turu | tolu | - |
| 4 | Tuhat | fa | - |
| 5 | Turima | lima | - |
| 6 | Tunum | ono | - |
| 7 | Pitu | fitu | - |
| 8 | Pipa | - | - |
| 9 | Kuda | iva | - |
| 10 | Keteng | - | - |
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Source: "The Aborigines of Formoa" Vol. XIV No. 3. | |||
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